Shi'ite Identity Formation:
Martyrdom through Collective Memory
Introduction
Behind every religious martyr lies a martyr logical narrative- a story which shapes and brings meaning to the martyr’s death. Such a narrative gives the martyr’s struggle cosmological significance by painting it in terms of good versus evil, spiritual life versus death, justice versus injustice. The martyr’s death is interpreted, told and retold within communities until the martyr’s legacy becomes a part of those communities’ collective history, or memory. In this way, the martyr’s legacy is able to transcend time, remaining relevant to those communities regardless of their historical or political situations. Indeed, in times of persecution, those communities often come to understand their own hardships by identifying with the ancient martyr’s suffering. This is especially true for Shi’ite Muslims, who have had a long history of suffering persecution. By analyzing how the concepts of collective memory and martyrdom operate within Shi’a Islam, one can better understand and appreciate how they contribute to Shi’ite identity formation.
Collective Memory and Group Identity
In her book, Martyrdom and Memory: Early Christian Culture Making, Elizabeth Castelli discusses Maurice Halbwachs’ theory of collective memory and builds upon it. According to Halbwachs, one’s personal memory and one’s understanding of the past are influenced by the groups that one is affiliated with, be it family, friends, religious denomination, social context, etc. All memory is influenced by the social frame one belongs to. This makes it difficult to distinguish between objective history and subjective memory. History is passed down to us through the writings and memories of individuals. In this sense, we understand history through collective memory. If we think of memory as “a particular, socially reconstructed version of the past,” then it becomes possible for memory to function as an “ideological ground for the present” (Castelli 12).
We preserve history, or rather collective memory, in order to connect the past to the present in a meaningful way. That bond allows for us to find meaning in past experiences and relate them to current experiences. Castelli quotes Halbwachs as saying, “Even at the moment that it is evolving, society returns to its past” (Castelli 13). We come to understand the present through our collective memory of the past. Even new innovations are sold to the people through their collective understanding of the past- old and new are made to overlap. Memory gains meaning through this overlap- through the collapsing of time and space between memory and the present moment. As an example, visitors to the Holy Land have recorded their “impressions in a time-collapsing fashion as though, by travelling great distances, they have also engaged in a journey through time into the distant past” (Castelli 16). Memory is kept alive by its retelling and reinterpretation so that it remains relevant to the current age. As Castelli would say, “Through retelling- whether narrative, performative, representational, even liturgical- memory accrues meaning through discursive and embodied repetition” (Castelli 11). It is through this merging of past and present that groups of people are able to understand themselves through their collective memory.
In this way, the memory of a past person’s death can become meaningful and relevant to a current person’s situation. If a person or a group of peoples can come to connect and identify with the sufferings of someone from the past, their own sufferings become easier to bear. This is especially true in a religious context, where one’s sufferings can be framed as a struggle between good and evil. Violence and suffering become infused with meaning, and give power to one’s death. If the story of someone’s death becomes powerful enough, the story can become a source of comfort and strength to others who are suffering. These people often become known as martyrs.
We preserve history, or rather collective memory, in order to connect the past to the present in a meaningful way. That bond allows for us to find meaning in past experiences and relate them to current experiences. Castelli quotes Halbwachs as saying, “Even at the moment that it is evolving, society returns to its past” (Castelli 13). We come to understand the present through our collective memory of the past. Even new innovations are sold to the people through their collective understanding of the past- old and new are made to overlap. Memory gains meaning through this overlap- through the collapsing of time and space between memory and the present moment. As an example, visitors to the Holy Land have recorded their “impressions in a time-collapsing fashion as though, by travelling great distances, they have also engaged in a journey through time into the distant past” (Castelli 16). Memory is kept alive by its retelling and reinterpretation so that it remains relevant to the current age. As Castelli would say, “Through retelling- whether narrative, performative, representational, even liturgical- memory accrues meaning through discursive and embodied repetition” (Castelli 11). It is through this merging of past and present that groups of people are able to understand themselves through their collective memory.
In this way, the memory of a past person’s death can become meaningful and relevant to a current person’s situation. If a person or a group of peoples can come to connect and identify with the sufferings of someone from the past, their own sufferings become easier to bear. This is especially true in a religious context, where one’s sufferings can be framed as a struggle between good and evil. Violence and suffering become infused with meaning, and give power to one’s death. If the story of someone’s death becomes powerful enough, the story can become a source of comfort and strength to others who are suffering. These people often become known as martyrs.
Beginnings of Shi'a Islam
For Muslims, Muhammad was both a spiritual leader and the founder of polity in Medina. Because his leadership role had been both spiritual and political, there was conflict over who should succeed him as the next Islamic leader when he died in 632 AD. This was largely due to the presence of two constituent groups of Arabs, who came from different socio-cultural backgrounds. The northern and central Arabs had always placed more of an emphasis on politics than on religion, and they elected their chiefs based on seniority and ability to lead. They believed that the role of Muhammad’s successor was to maintain Islam’s political character and to spread the Islamic message outside of Arabia. Most of Muhammad’s companions had been northern Arabs. The southern Arabs, who were a minority, had a greater emphasis on religion than on politics, and had always elected their leaders based on hereditary and divine rights. They believed that Muhammad’s successor’s role was primarily one of spiritual authority, and should be passed down through the descendents of Muhammad. They looked to ancient figures such as Abraham to support their belief that the prophets received special favor from God, and that their favor was extended to their families. After all, Abraham had been promised by God that his descendents would be as numerous as the stars. These differences between the northern and southern Arabs created tension surrounding who should rule over the Islamic peoples, and marked the beginning of the divide between Suuni and Shi'a Islam. This tension reached a climax when Husayn ibn ‘Ali, who was the third imam and grandson of Muhammad, was murdered to prevent him from gaining the caliphate.
Martyrdom of Husayn inb ‘Ali
Husayn’s father, ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, had been the Muslim ruler until he was assassinated in 661 AD. Although he was succeeded by his son Hasan, Hasan decided to abdicate because there was disunity among the people. Mu’awiyah came to rule in his place, but a deal had been struck that either Hasan or Husayn would succeed Mu’awiyah after his reign came to an end. In 671 AD Hasan died, leaving Husayn to succeed Mu’awiyah. Despite this, Mu’awiyah chose to appoint his own son, Yazid, as his successor. Yazid was known for indulging in illicit pleasures, such as drinking alcohol. He was seen by some as leading the Muslims back into polytheism. Because of all this, Husayn withheld his allegiance to Yazid.
In 680 AD, when Yazid ordered the governor of Medina to execute all those who refused to give their allegiance to him, Husayn quietly left Medina and sought protection in the sanctuary of Mecca. While he was there, he received letters from his supporters in Kufa, saying that they wanted him to lead them in a revolt against Yazid. Husayn sent his cousin Muslim to Kufa to see if it was true, and Muslim gave Husayn a good report. Encouraged by the news, Husayn, some of his followers, and his close family members decided to travel to Kufa.
Receiving word of this, Yazid dismissed the governor of Kufa and extended the governor of Basra’s authority to cover Kufa. The governor of Basra used threats and bribes to contain the uprising in Kufa, and sent a small detachment to prevent Husayn from reaching the city. Muslim was also captured and executed.
While Husayn and his followers were travelling to Kufa, they received word of Muslim’s execution. Concerned for their safety, Husayn released his relatives and followers from all their obligations to him, and many of them left. Those who remained were a small group of loyal supporters and family members. They kept moving, although they were intercepted by the small detachment and changed their route towards Karbala.
An army of 4,000 men were assembled to confront Husayn. It was headed by ‘Umar inb Sa’d ibn Abi waqqas, who was the son of a respected companion of Muhammad. The army arrived at Karbala, and negoations between Husayn and Umar inb Sa’d took place for about a week, although nothing came of them. Umar inb Sa’d’s job was to get Husayn to surrender and become a war captive. The alternative was to kill him in battle. A different leader was sent to Karbala to make sure that Umar did his job right; if he didn’t, he was to be executed. After this, Husayn and his followers were denied water from the Euphrates River for three days.
On the tenth day of Muharram, the battle between Husayn and the 4,000 soldiers began. One after another, Husayn’s companions were killed off, including an infant. Husayn was finally killed after receiving 33 wounds. His body was trampled by horses, and his head sent to Kufa. The remaining women and children were jailed.
Shi’ites view the struggle between Husayn and Yazid as a struggle between true and false Islam, as opposed to a political struggle for the position of the caliphate. They express extreme guilt and remorse that no one came to the aid of Husayn in his time of need, for he was the defender of true Islam and was a righteous man. They believe that there were spiritual consequences for Husyan's abandonment by his nearby supporters. His suffering and martyrdom has become the focal point of Shi’a Islam.
In 680 AD, when Yazid ordered the governor of Medina to execute all those who refused to give their allegiance to him, Husayn quietly left Medina and sought protection in the sanctuary of Mecca. While he was there, he received letters from his supporters in Kufa, saying that they wanted him to lead them in a revolt against Yazid. Husayn sent his cousin Muslim to Kufa to see if it was true, and Muslim gave Husayn a good report. Encouraged by the news, Husayn, some of his followers, and his close family members decided to travel to Kufa.
Receiving word of this, Yazid dismissed the governor of Kufa and extended the governor of Basra’s authority to cover Kufa. The governor of Basra used threats and bribes to contain the uprising in Kufa, and sent a small detachment to prevent Husayn from reaching the city. Muslim was also captured and executed.
While Husayn and his followers were travelling to Kufa, they received word of Muslim’s execution. Concerned for their safety, Husayn released his relatives and followers from all their obligations to him, and many of them left. Those who remained were a small group of loyal supporters and family members. They kept moving, although they were intercepted by the small detachment and changed their route towards Karbala.
An army of 4,000 men were assembled to confront Husayn. It was headed by ‘Umar inb Sa’d ibn Abi waqqas, who was the son of a respected companion of Muhammad. The army arrived at Karbala, and negoations between Husayn and Umar inb Sa’d took place for about a week, although nothing came of them. Umar inb Sa’d’s job was to get Husayn to surrender and become a war captive. The alternative was to kill him in battle. A different leader was sent to Karbala to make sure that Umar did his job right; if he didn’t, he was to be executed. After this, Husayn and his followers were denied water from the Euphrates River for three days.
On the tenth day of Muharram, the battle between Husayn and the 4,000 soldiers began. One after another, Husayn’s companions were killed off, including an infant. Husayn was finally killed after receiving 33 wounds. His body was trampled by horses, and his head sent to Kufa. The remaining women and children were jailed.
Shi’ites view the struggle between Husayn and Yazid as a struggle between true and false Islam, as opposed to a political struggle for the position of the caliphate. They express extreme guilt and remorse that no one came to the aid of Husayn in his time of need, for he was the defender of true Islam and was a righteous man. They believe that there were spiritual consequences for Husyan's abandonment by his nearby supporters. His suffering and martyrdom has become the focal point of Shi’a Islam.
Karbala in Shi'ite Collective Memory
For Shi’ites, their history is entirely a history of martyrdom. Eleven of their twelve imams died unnatural deaths, as well as many of Muhammad’s other descendants. A martyrology from the tenth century known as the Slaughter of the Talibites gives the names of roughly 200 of Muhammad’s descendants who died as martyrs.
While the majority of Muslims celebrate martyrs who have died in battle, Shi’ite Muslisms mourn their martyrs, as most of them have been killed at the hands of Suuni Muslims. Husayn’s death is viewed as being the greatest act of suffering and redemption in history. According to The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, Husayn’s death “has transcended history and become metahistory, acquiring cosmic proportions” (Ashura 222). In Husayn’s death martyrology, Shi’ites see his killers as representing the powerful, corrupt, oppressive majority sect of the Suunis. For the minority Shi’ite sect, suffering and martyrdom are seen as the fate for all the true followers of Muhammad. Shi’ites have a collective memory of suffering.
The martyrdom of Husayn has become a model for what all suffering and martyrdom should look like. It should be a battle between the innocent and just against the unjust and the oppressive. Shi’ites look to Husayn as a model due to his courage and discipline in the face of persecution. They believe that through his sacrifice comes a message of salvation and spiritual power.
Because Shi’ites have experienced so much persecution throughout their history, they interpret their own suffering through the suffering of Muhammad. This is reflected in the popular phrase, “Every day is Ashura, every place is Karbala, every month is Muharram.” (Ashura refers to the tenth day of Muharram when Husayn was killed.) In this phrase exists the collapsing of time and space, where past and present overlap one another. Husayn’s death trandscends time, merging with and becoming the suffering of the Shi’ites, as they remember the events at Karbala. This collective memory is maintained through the remembrance of Husayn’s death every year on the day of Ashura.
An example of the past and present coming together can be viewed in the documentary, Karbala: City of Martyrs. In the video, when pilgrims visit Karbala for the day of Ashura, several explosions go off throughout the city, killing innocent people. Start the video at 52 min, 50 seconds to see how modern Shi'ite Muslims interpret death and suffering within their collective memory.
While the majority of Muslims celebrate martyrs who have died in battle, Shi’ite Muslisms mourn their martyrs, as most of them have been killed at the hands of Suuni Muslims. Husayn’s death is viewed as being the greatest act of suffering and redemption in history. According to The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, Husayn’s death “has transcended history and become metahistory, acquiring cosmic proportions” (Ashura 222). In Husayn’s death martyrology, Shi’ites see his killers as representing the powerful, corrupt, oppressive majority sect of the Suunis. For the minority Shi’ite sect, suffering and martyrdom are seen as the fate for all the true followers of Muhammad. Shi’ites have a collective memory of suffering.
The martyrdom of Husayn has become a model for what all suffering and martyrdom should look like. It should be a battle between the innocent and just against the unjust and the oppressive. Shi’ites look to Husayn as a model due to his courage and discipline in the face of persecution. They believe that through his sacrifice comes a message of salvation and spiritual power.
Because Shi’ites have experienced so much persecution throughout their history, they interpret their own suffering through the suffering of Muhammad. This is reflected in the popular phrase, “Every day is Ashura, every place is Karbala, every month is Muharram.” (Ashura refers to the tenth day of Muharram when Husayn was killed.) In this phrase exists the collapsing of time and space, where past and present overlap one another. Husayn’s death trandscends time, merging with and becoming the suffering of the Shi’ites, as they remember the events at Karbala. This collective memory is maintained through the remembrance of Husayn’s death every year on the day of Ashura.
An example of the past and present coming together can be viewed in the documentary, Karbala: City of Martyrs. In the video, when pilgrims visit Karbala for the day of Ashura, several explosions go off throughout the city, killing innocent people. Start the video at 52 min, 50 seconds to see how modern Shi'ite Muslims interpret death and suffering within their collective memory.
Ritual as Remembrance
Even in the early years following Husyan’s death, there were instances of commemoration. In 684-685 AD, a prominent Shi’ite leader and his followers visited Husayn’s burial site as a way to “purge themselves of the feeling of shame as a consequence of their failure to help Husayn on Ashura” (Karbala 293-294). By 850-51 AD, the practice of visiting Husayn’s tomb was so wide-spread that the Abbasid caliph destroyed the tomb and stopped all visits to Karbala.
In modern times, Shi’ites still travel to the site of Karbala during this period of mourning. Even the word “Karbala” is thought to consist of two separate words: “karb” meaning sorrow, and “bala” meaning calamity. For the first ten days of Muharram, Shi’ite Muslims commemorate Husayn’s martyrdom through various rituals. Shi’ites see a certain level of spirituality in passion and rituals, believing them to be a sign of Shi’ite piety and identity. Observing Ashura is thought to influence individual salvation on Judgment Day. Karbala is believed to be one of the gates leading to the Garden of Paradise, as promised in the Quran.
Many rituals preformed in Karbala consist of retelling the story of Husayn’s death, parades, passion plays, and self flagellation.
The main forms of self flagellation include tapping one’s forhead with a sword, beating one’s chest, and swinging knives across the back. Some may view these forms of self harm as a kind of penance for the people’s sins against Husayn, but many consider them to be a sign of sorrow. The more one loves, the more one mourns.
In Vernon Schubel’s book Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam: Shi’I Devotional Rituals in South Asia, Schubel attempts to describe what it’s like to hear the recitation of Husayn’s death. Schubel writes, “The man on the minbar begins to speak in the present tense. These are no longer events occurring in a far distant past, but a present reality” (Schubel 12).
When describing the spectacle of processions, Schubel describes the visual images in theses processions as including pretend coffins for the martyrs.
All these rituals make Husayn’s death come alive in the present time, and sharpen the pain that the Shi’ites feel when remembering his death. These rituals all become a central part of Shi’ite identity, but none more so than the ritual of the passion play, known as the Taziyah.
In modern times, Shi’ites still travel to the site of Karbala during this period of mourning. Even the word “Karbala” is thought to consist of two separate words: “karb” meaning sorrow, and “bala” meaning calamity. For the first ten days of Muharram, Shi’ite Muslims commemorate Husayn’s martyrdom through various rituals. Shi’ites see a certain level of spirituality in passion and rituals, believing them to be a sign of Shi’ite piety and identity. Observing Ashura is thought to influence individual salvation on Judgment Day. Karbala is believed to be one of the gates leading to the Garden of Paradise, as promised in the Quran.
Many rituals preformed in Karbala consist of retelling the story of Husayn’s death, parades, passion plays, and self flagellation.
The main forms of self flagellation include tapping one’s forhead with a sword, beating one’s chest, and swinging knives across the back. Some may view these forms of self harm as a kind of penance for the people’s sins against Husayn, but many consider them to be a sign of sorrow. The more one loves, the more one mourns.
In Vernon Schubel’s book Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam: Shi’I Devotional Rituals in South Asia, Schubel attempts to describe what it’s like to hear the recitation of Husayn’s death. Schubel writes, “The man on the minbar begins to speak in the present tense. These are no longer events occurring in a far distant past, but a present reality” (Schubel 12).
When describing the spectacle of processions, Schubel describes the visual images in theses processions as including pretend coffins for the martyrs.
All these rituals make Husayn’s death come alive in the present time, and sharpen the pain that the Shi’ites feel when remembering his death. These rituals all become a central part of Shi’ite identity, but none more so than the ritual of the passion play, known as the Taziyah.
Martyrdom Performances as a Contribution to Shi’ite Identity
The Taziyah is the only serious drama to have ever developed within the Islamic world. It is mainly preformed in Iran, where Shi’a Islam became the state religion in the 16th century. Originally it was performed in places like the town square or at a crossroads, but eventually special buildings were built for these plays called Takiya. These theaters generally have a raised platform in the middle for the actors to perform on, with a circular strip surrounding them, often covered in sand. This ring is used for transitions in time, for battles, subplot, etc. Generally the décor is very sparse in order to reflect the desolate desert of Karbala. Items, such as a basin of water or a palm branch, are used to represent the Euphrates River or a grove of palm trees. The use of space is essential to including the audience in the drama of the plays. The space all around them- even behind them- is utilized to draw them into the story.
Costumes are not historical, but rather, are meant to distinguish between the good and evil characters. Husayn and his companions wear green- representing paradise, the family of Muhammad, and Islam. The evil characters wear red- representing blood, cruelty, and suffering. Women characters are played by men, who wear black, baggy garments from head to toe. They are faceless, but still remain powerful characters.
When a character puts a white sheet of cloth over his shoulders, it is meant to symbolize a burial shroud, indicating that the character is about to die. The audience's emotions find expression when characters puts on the white cloth. Protagonists sing their parts while antagonists recite them. In classic passion plays, the actors would carry their scripts to show they were not the characters they portrayed. But in modern plays, the actors identify with the characters they play, and get carried away. Their emotions meet the emotions of the audience, who become a part of the play. Everything is visual and vocal- the audience becomes enveloped in the passion play. In doing so, space and time collapse, and allow for the audience to become one with the characters in the play. By bringing the events of Karbala to life in such a way, it reinforces the Shi’ite understanding of identity and suffering.
Costumes are not historical, but rather, are meant to distinguish between the good and evil characters. Husayn and his companions wear green- representing paradise, the family of Muhammad, and Islam. The evil characters wear red- representing blood, cruelty, and suffering. Women characters are played by men, who wear black, baggy garments from head to toe. They are faceless, but still remain powerful characters.
When a character puts a white sheet of cloth over his shoulders, it is meant to symbolize a burial shroud, indicating that the character is about to die. The audience's emotions find expression when characters puts on the white cloth. Protagonists sing their parts while antagonists recite them. In classic passion plays, the actors would carry their scripts to show they were not the characters they portrayed. But in modern plays, the actors identify with the characters they play, and get carried away. Their emotions meet the emotions of the audience, who become a part of the play. Everything is visual and vocal- the audience becomes enveloped in the passion play. In doing so, space and time collapse, and allow for the audience to become one with the characters in the play. By bringing the events of Karbala to life in such a way, it reinforces the Shi’ite understanding of identity and suffering.
Bibliography
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Castelli, Elizabeth. Martyrdom and Memory: Early Christian Culture Making. New York: Columbia University Press, 2004.
Chelkowski, Peter. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, revised ed., s.v. “Ashura.” New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.
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Schubel, Vernon. Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam: Shi’I Devotional Rituals in South Asia. South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 1993.
Castelli, Elizabeth. Martyrdom and Memory: Early Christian Culture Making. New York: Columbia University Press, 2004.
Chelkowski, Peter. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, revised ed., s.v. “Ashura.” New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Chelkowski, Peter. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, revised ed., s.v. “Ta’ziyah.” New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Cook, David. Martyrdom in Islam. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
Jafri, Syed. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, revised ed., s.v. “Shi’i Islam: Historical Overview.” New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Lawson, Todd. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, revised ed., s.v. “Martyrdom.” New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Middleton, Paul. Martyrdom: A Guide for the Perplexed. New York: T&T Clark International, 2011.
Murphy, Andrew. The Blackwell Companion to Religion and Violence. MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2011.
Sachedina, Abdulaziz. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, revised ed., s.v. “Karbala.” New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Schubel, Vernon. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World, revised ed., s.v. “Muharram.” New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Schubel, Vernon. Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam: Shi’I Devotional Rituals in South Asia. South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 1993.